Faculty

Survey Administration

In May 2021 an email invitation was sent out to 2,288 Stanford faculty members, inviting them to participate in the IDEAL DEI survey.  By the time the survey closed in June, 869 faculty members (38%) had completed the survey.

Clinician Educators in the School of Medicine are not included in this faculty summary report; instead, view findings for clinician educators here. 

Demographics of Respondents

Primary purposes of the IDEAL DEI survey included collecting new and more detailed information about who we are as a community and exploring how race and ethnicity shape the experiences of community members at Stanford.  For example, the IDEAL survey asked faculty participants questions about gender identity, socio-economic background, disability, and more. Below are several examples of new information about the demographics and identities represented among the faculty members who responded to the survey.  We encourage you to explore the survey data further in the IDEAL Survey Demographic Dashboards. You can also find information for the full faculty population on the IDEAL Dashboard, which displays diversity data from university records (and does not incorporate data from this survey).

Note on multiple selections: Many of the demographic questions on the survey allowed respondents to select more than one identity option (for example, respondents could select both Black or African American and Hispanic or Latino/a). In the findings below and survey dashboards, respondents are included in every category with which they identified.

Racial or Ethnic Identity

Faculty survey respondents generally resemble the overall racial and ethnic distribution of the Stanford faculty population when comparing the seven broad racial or ethnic categories included on the survey to university records (respondents  were asked to check all of the categories that apply from the following list: American Indian or Alaska Native, Asian or Asian American, Black or African American, Hispanic or Latino/a, Middle Eastern or North African, Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander, and White or European. (see the IDEAL Dashboard). However, this survey approached collecting racial or ethnic identity information differently than the federal race or ethnicity categories used in the IDEAL dashboards and other university reporting. For example, the survey added the category of Middle Eastern or North African to the broad racial or ethnic categories with which respondents can identify. In addition to selecting one or more broad categories, the survey prompted respondents to write in as much specific detail as they desired regarding their racial or ethnic identities. The survey also asked respondents to provide information about their country of origin and religious identity.

Overall, 9% of faculty that responded to the survey indicated two or more racial or ethnic identity categories (for example, 27 respondents indicated both Hispanic or Latino/a and White or European identities), and 51% of faculty survey respondents wrote in race or ethnicity details in addition to checking one or more of the seven main categories listed (for example, German, Chinese, or Mexican). Sixty two percent (62%) of faculty indicated a single racial or ethnic identity of White or European. In contrast, 27% of undergraduates and 40% of graduate students identified as White or European only.

You can see some of the most common combinations of racial or ethnic identities on the Ideal Survey Demographic Dashboards. 

Gender and Sexual Identity

When asked to describe their gender identity, 3% of faculty survey respondents identified as at least one of the following responses: gender nonconforming, genderqueer, nonbinary, questioning, trans, or a write-in identifier. With regard to sexual identity, 11% identified as something other than heterosexual or straight. In contrast, 34% of undergraduate survey respondents and 23% of graduate students identified with a sexual identity other than heterosexual.

Additional Demographics

On the IDEAL Survey Demographic dashboards, you can view additional demographic and identity characteristics of survey respondents, and their intersections, including:

• Disabilities
• Religious or spiritual identity
• Politics
• Parents’ educational background (“first gen”)
• Self-identified as coming from a low-income background

For example, 25% of faculty survey respondents identified as coming from a low-income background, and 18% are from families where no parent or guardian achieved a 4-year college degree or higher (first gen). Seven percent (7%) of faculty survey respondents identified as having at least one disability.

Inclusion and Sense of Belonging at Stanford

The survey covered several different aspects that might contribute to a respondent’s overall experience of inclusion or sense of belonging at Stanford: 

• feeling valued
• finding groups, communities or spaces of inclusion or exclusion
• general aspects of psychological safety while participating in day-to-day activities associated with a respondent’s role at Stanford.

Feeling Valued

Overall, 67% of all faculty survey respondents agreed that they “felt valued as an individual at Stanford,” and 78% said they “felt valued in their department or work unit”. Fifty-seven percent (57%) of LGBTQ+ faculty agreed with feeling valued as an individual at Stanford, compared to 72% of the faculty who identified as a heterosexual man and 65% who identified as a heterosexual woman. Similarly, 56% of faculty who identified as having a disability felt valued as an individual at Stanford, compared to 68% of the faculty who did not identify as having a disability.

Inclusion and Exclusion

On average, approximately 83% of faculty survey respondents reported having found at least one community, group, or space at Stanford where they feel welcome. The proportion of faculty that reported finding a welcoming, inclusive space at Stanford varied across racial and ethnic identities. For example, 65% of faculty respondents who identified as Middle Eastern or North African reported at least one welcoming space, compared to 86% of faculty who identified as White or European. 

While overall 83% of faculty indicated they found at least one welcoming space at Stanford, 34% of faculty respondents reported at least one place where they felt marginalized or excluded. 

• Sixty four percent (64%) of faculty who identified as having a disability indicated there were places at Stanford where they felt marginalized or excluded.
• Fifty percent (50%) of LGBTQ+ faculty survey respondents reported encountering places where they felt marginalized or excluded. 
• Forty four percent (44%) of faculty who identified as a woman encountered at least one unwelcoming space, compared to 27% of faculty who identified as a man. 
  • Note: There were too few faculty identifying as nonbinary, genderqueer, gender nonconforming, or trans responding to the question of unwelcoming spaces to report any statistics for these gender identities.

 

Psychological Safety 

(Psychological safety definition may be found on the Definitions page.) 

The survey asked a set of questions to gauge faculty survey respondents’ feelings of respect and safety in their departments at Stanford. One question asked respondents to rate their agreement with the following statement:  “I feel as though I have to work harder than others to be perceived as a legitimate scholar in my unit.” 

• On average, 35% of faculty agreed with the above statement. 
• 55% of faculty  who identified as Black or African American agreed with the statement; 31% who identified as White or European agreed with the statement.
• Similarly, 50% of faculty who identified as a woman agreed with this statement, compared to 24% of faculty who identified as a man.
  • Note: The 2019 Faculty Quality of Life survey showed a similar disparity. In that survey, 40% of faculty respondents who identified as a woman agreed with the statement “I have to work harder than my colleagues to be perceived as a legitimate scholar,” compared to 19% of faculty respondents who identified as a man.

There was a strong intersection evident in the survey data between racial or ethnic identity and gender identity and responses to this survey item. For example, faculty who identified on the survey as White or European as well as a man were much less likely to agree that they felt they need to work harder than their colleagues than faculty who identified as a White or European woman or faculty who identified as either Black or African American men OR women (see charts below). More specifically, in comparison to faculty who identified as White or European men (20%), faculty who identified as White or European women (49%) were more than twice as likely to agree that they had to work harder than their colleagues to be perceived as a legitimate scholar. On the other hand, among Black or African American faculty, both men (57%) AND women (54%) equally agreed that they had to work harder than their colleagues, and at higher rates than White or European women. 

Experience with Microaggression, Discriminatory Behaviors, and Harassing Behaviors

The survey asked about individuals' experiences with microaggression, discriminatory, and harassing behaviors. (You can find out more about how the survey asked about these experiences in the FAQ document). Experiences with these behaviors at Stanford were broadly present across faculty survey respondents in most units at Stanford. Overall, 36% of faculty members indicated that they had experienced at least one of these behaviors within the last two years.  Overall, across all racial or ethnic and gender identities, more than 25% of faculty respondents in every department with more than 10 survey respondents indicated that they had experienced at least one of these behaviors within the last two years. The chart below shows the percentages of faculty survey respondents who indicated experiencing these behaviors during the past two years, broken out by race or ethnicity. 

Before further discussing the prevalence of these experiences it is important to highlight the impact that these harmful behaviors had on faculty:

• 85% of faculty who experienced at least one instance of microaggression, discriminatory, or harassing behaviors indicated at least one impact.
• 37% of faculty who experienced microaggression, 42% who experienced at least one discriminatory behavior, and 57% who experienced verbal harassing behaviors felt their experiences “created an intimidating, hostile, or offensive social, academic, or work environment.”
• Subsequent to their experiences, about 35% “avoided departmental or professional events,” 30% “seriously considered leaving Stanford,” and 28% “felt uncomfortable voicing an opinion.”
  • This finding is similar to a finding from the 2019 Faculty Quality of Life survey, in which respondents were asked “In the next three years, how likely are you to leave Stanford.” 17% of faculty indicated they were somewhat or very likely to leave. Of those who indicated they were somewhat or very likely to leave, 20% of faculty indicated that one reason they had considered “a lot” or “a great deal” for why they were considering leaving is “to find a more supportive work environment.”

Microaggressions

“Microaggression” is used as a term for commonplace daily verbal, behavioral or environmental slights, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative attitudes toward stigmatized or culturally marginalized groups (Sue 2010). Racial microaggressions are “brief, everyday exchanges that send denigrating messages to people of color because they belong to a racial minority group” (Sue et al 2007).

The word “microaggression” itself never appeared on the survey. Rather, respondents were asked whether they experienced specific types of behaviors during the last two years by someone associated with Stanford: 

• Someone invalidated your lived experience due to your racial or ethnic identity, 
• Someone assumed you were inferior due to your racial or ethnic identity, 
• Someone acted as if they were afraid or wary of you due to your racial or ethnic identity, or 
• Someone made you feel othered or exoticized due to your racial or ethnic identity. 

Each of these questions also listed several concrete examples of these behaviors. In this report, we use the collective term microaggression to describe any of these experienced behaviors.

The percent of faculty survey respondents that indicated they experienced microaggressions ranged widely across demographic groups - particularly by racial or ethnic identity. Fifty-three percent (53%) of faculty who identified as Black or African American experienced at least one form of microaggression over the past two years. Of faculty who identified with racial or ethnic identities other than (or in addition to) White or European, 22% to 40% experienced microaggressions. Eleven percent (11%) of faculty who identified as White or European experienced microaggressions.

When asked about the university affiliation of the perpetrators of these microaggressions, 59% of faculty indicated that a faculty member or instructor was a perpetrator. Twenty-two percent (22%) of faculty respondents indicated that a student was a perpetrator. 

Discriminatory Behaviors

(Discriminatory behaviors definition may be found on the Definitions page.)

Survey respondents were directly asked, during the last two years, “have you ever experienced discriminatory behaviors by someone associated with Stanford?” For example:

• Denied tenure
• Denied reappointment
• Denied sabbatical
• Denied or overlooked for professional development opportunities
   
• Overall, 12% of faculty (134 respondents altogether) experienced discriminatory behaviors by someone associated with Stanford.
• 21% of faculty who identified as having a disability experienced discriminatory behaviors by someone associated with Stanford.
• 17% of faculty who identified as Black or African American faculty and 16% of Asian or Asian American experienced discriminatory behaviors by someone associated with Stanford. 

If a respondent indicated having experienced discriminatory behaviors, they were then presented with the following text:

We know it can be difficult to know for sure whether or not someone's behaviors toward you are attributable to any one of your identities or attributes. For some, it is very clear; for others, there is more uncertainty. We also know that this uncertainty can make the experiences even more difficult.

To the extent that you are comfortable answering, do you feel that any of these discriminatory behaviors were due to your racial or ethical identity?

Twenty-three percent (23%) of the 134 faculty who experienced discriminatory behaviors believed these behaviors were due to their racial or ethnic identity. 

Of the faculty who believed their experience of discriminatory behavior was due to their racial or ethnic identity, the three most common behaviors indicated were:

• Overlooked for a leadership opportunity (50%), 
• Denied or overlooked for professional development or mentorship opportunities (40%), and
• Denied or overlooked for a promotion (33%). 

Verbal, Written, or Online Harassing Behaviors

Survey respondents were asked:

During the last two years you have been employed at Stanford (or fewer, depending on when you were hired), have you ever experienced verbal, written, or online harassing behaviors by someone associated with Stanford? For example:

• Someone made a derogatory remark or gesture in person or online  
• Someone sent me a derogatory email, text, or social media post  
• Someone defaced property with derogatory graffiti  
• I was embarrassed, humiliated, or threatened by someone in person or online

Overall, 22% of faculty survey respondents indicated having experienced verbal, written, or online harassing behaviors within the past two years. 

• Forty-eight percent (48%) of faculty who identified as having a disability experienced verbal, written, or online harassing behaviors by someone associated with Stanford, compared to 20% of faculty who did not identify as having a disability.
• Twenty-eight percent (28%) of faculty who identified as a woman indicated verbal, written, or online harassing behaviors by someone associated with Stanford, compared to 18% of faculty who identified as a man. 

When asked about the university affiliation of the perpetrators of these verbal harassing behaviors, 70% of faculty members indicated that a faculty member or instructor was a perpetrator. Twenty-four percent (24%) of faculty indicated that a student was a perpetrator. 

Impacts of These Experiences Among Faculty

Of the 36% of faculty survey respondents who experienced microaggression, discriminatory, or harassing behaviors, the most commonly indicated impacts included: 

• Avoided departmental or professional events (35%), 
• Seriously considered leaving Stanford (30%), 
• Felt uncomfortable voicing their opinion (28%), and 
• Felt ostracized or excluded (25%).

When asked about the impacts directly associated with each of the four experiences surveyed: 

• Of faculty who experienced microaggressions, approximately 70% indicated that they experienced some sort of significant impact as result of these behaviors. The most commonly cited impact was “Created an intimidating, hostile, or offensive social, academic, or work environment.” (37%)
• Of faculty who experienced verbal harassing behaviors, approximately 85% indicated that they experienced some sort of significant impact as result of these behaviors. The most commonly cited impact was “Created an intimidating, hostile, or offensive social, academic, or work environment” (57%).
• Of faculty who experienced discriminatory behaviors, approximately 95% indicated that they experienced some sort of significant impact as result of these behaviors. The most commonly cited impact was “Interfered with your academic or professional performance” (58%).

For More Information

We encourage you to explore the survey findings by viewing dashboards on:

• Demographics of survey respondents 
• Belonging and Inclusion 
• Microaggressions, Discriminatory, and Harassing behaviors 
• Impacts and Reporting 

References

Sue, D. W. (2010). Microaggressions in Everyday Life: Race, Gender, and Sexual Orientation. Wiley. pp. xvi. ISBN 978-0-470-49140-9.

Sue, D. W., Capodilupo, C. M., Torino, G. C., Bucceri, J. M., Holder, A., Nadal, K. L., & Esquilin, M. (2007). Racial microaggressions in everyday life: implications for clinical practice. American psychologist, 62(4), 271.